Una consulta candente
Alfredo Quintanilla
Las destituciones, primero de Raquel Irigoyen de la jefatura de del INDEPA, y luego, de Vicente Otta del Viceministerio de Interculturalidad, tienen que ver, más allá de cortinas de humo y pretextos ad hominem, con el debate de la reglamentación de la Ley del Derecho a la Consulta Previa a los Pueblos Indígenas u Originarios, reconocido en el Convenio 169 de la Organización Internacional del Trabajo (OIT). Medida tan radical y poco elegante sin que se conozcan los motivos, suena a una sanción, por lo que da pie a especulaciones sobre lo que en realidad están pensando los más encumbrados gobernantes respecto a este tema, luego de los discursos del acto de promulgación de dicha ley.
Este es el primer mecanismo que el nuevo gobierno usará para apaciguar los 96 conflictos activos que existen entre las compañías mineras y comunidades campesinas, pueblos indígenas y ciudadanos en general (1). La Ley ha dejado en manos del Viceministerio de Interculturalidad –señalado como el “órgano técnico especializado en materia indígena del Poder Ejecutivo”- tareas claves como “concertar, articular y coordinar la política estatal de implementación del derecho a la consulta” (Art. 19° de la Ley); registrar a las organizaciones representativas de los pueblos indígenas y determinar cuáles deben ser consultadas en cada caso; registrar a los facilitadores e intérpretes que intervendrán en la Consulta; ser última instancia administrativa en los pedidos que presenten las organizaciones indígenas para someter a consulta determinada medida, entre otras. Se sabe que el malestar de las empresas mineras es manifiesto, puesto que no tienen en ese Viceministerio recién creado, la “gente amiga” o maleable a sus sutiles presiones o promesas, que les facilitan las cosas como las tienen en los ministerios de Economía y de Energía y Minas.
Hace rato que las empresas mineras se dieron cuenta que, sin lo que llaman “licencia social”, es decir, la venia de los pueblos que habitan en el territorio de las concesiones entregadas por el Ministerio de Energía y Minas, ningún proyecto puede ser sostenible. Los casos en los que intervino la fuerza del Estado terminó siendo contraproducente a sus intereses; de ahí que han debido admitir que otro período político se abrió el 5 de junio, cuando fue elegido Ollanta Humala como presidente y cuando se aprobó por unanimidad el texto de la ley que dice en su Artículo 3°: “La finalidad de la consulta es alcanzar un acuerdo o consentimiento entre el Estado y los pueblos indígenas u originarios respecto a las medidas legislativas o administrativas que les afecten directamente…”
Uno de los temas en debate es, sin lugar a dudas, la reglamentación del artículo 7° que señala cuáles deben ser los criterios para identificar a los pueblos indígenas a los cuales el Estado tendrá que hacerles la consulta previa. Aquí, obviamente, brilla por su ausencia (perdón por el cliché), el criterio de la lengua y su derivación en los patronímicos familiares que fijan el sistema de parentesco. Además, está el párrafo que dice que “las comunidades campesinas o andinas y las comunidades nativas o pueblos amazónicos podrán ser identificados también como pueblos indígenas u originarios”, pues parece dejar abierta la posibilidad para que criollos o mestizos se presenten como representantes de pueblos que ya no son indígenas. O hasta los inventen, (a lo mejor apoyados por La Razón, Correo y Expreso) con un discurso seudo histórico y con algunas citas descontextualizadas de un José María Arguedas que no fue indigenista, sino un orgulloso mestizo, como lo había sido el Inca Garcilaso de la Vega.
Otro asunto candente debe ser a qué representantes de los pueblos indígenas reconocer hoy. Está fuera de toda duda que AIDESEP es una entidad representativa de los pueblos originarios amazónicos y debiera tener asiento no sólo en las consultas que tengan que ver con territorios selváticos sino en el directorio del INDEPA. Mal haría el Ministerio de Cultura en hacer caso a los extremistas “de fuera” que influyen en sectores del gobierno, que no quieren que se reconozca a AIDESEP. Peor aún sería adoptar la política de fomentar el divisionismo entre las organizaciones amazónicas como hizo el gobierno aprista. De paso, sería traicionar el gesto - reivindicativo y conciliador a la vez- que tuvo Humala al promulgar la ley en Bagua.
Siguiendo estrictamente el criterio de la lengua y la cultura, los pueblos costeños del valle de Tambo, que tienen una disputa con la empresa Southern en Arequipa, o el de Tambogrande en Piura, no son indígenas y, por tanto, no son beneficiarios de esta ley. Tampoco los pueblos de Cajamarca que siendo serranos no hablan quechua y casi no tienen comunidades campesinas. Pero el que no sean pueblos indígenas no les quita el derecho a ser consultados si una mina les va a quitar sus fuentes de agua o vaya a transformarlos de agricultores en migrantes desocupados en Lima(2).
Lograr un equilibrio entre las demandas de los pueblos en general (y de los indígenas en particular) y las preocupaciones e intereses de los inversionistas, es tarea de los gobernantes, pero debe ser también co-responsabilidad de los líderes populares. En este sentido, en el mes de julio, Aída García Naranjo –antes de ser nombrada ministra- había declarado a Noticiasser: “El Perú no se puede declarar como un país anti minero, no se puede partir de una negación de las oportunidades que el Perú tiene, pero debe haber una nueva y clara zonificación y territorialización, en donde se estime si la minería es pertinente a partir de una consulta previa e informada”. Esas frases pronunciadas por una dirigente del Partido Socialista, aliado del gobierno, advierten contra un fácil ultrismo que se vio alimentado en el lustro pasado por la prepotencia del aprismo, pero que invitan a abrir perspectivas distintas en el camino de las reivindicaciones, la democracia y el desarrollo. Es un reto que la izquierda debiera asumir.
Puede ser una limitación como mecanismo democrático el que la ley sólo tenga previsto el diálogo entre funcionarios y representantes de los pueblos. A diferencia de México, por ejemplo, donde la consulta a los pueblos indígenas sobre sus propuestas de desarrollo del año 2004, tomó más de un año y se hizo en decenas de talleres en lengua indígena, escuchando a los ciudadanos de a pie y no sólo a sus dirigentes, usando, además, encuestas y entrevistas a fondo. El Art. 15° cuando se refiere a la posibilidad de llegar a un desacuerdo, tal vez debió prever una consulta electoral de manera que se pronuncien todos y cada uno de los ciudadanos indígenas.
Por último, no hay que olvidar que para resolver los conflictos sociales de hoy no basta implementar las consultas sino que está la cuestión del canon. Como es sabido, en los pocos años de su cobranza, su distribución ha venido a generar una enojosa diferencia entre distritos y provincias que se hallan, inclusive, cercanos a las minas y yacimientos energéticos. Si no se afronta la reforma en el sistema de la distribución tampoco se habrá avanzado en la solución de los conflictos minero-ambientales.
Notas:
(1) El Reporte Mensual N° 91 de Conflictos Sociales de la Defensoría del Pueblo indica que a Septiembre 2011 existen 148 conflictos sociales activos, dos tercios (¡) de los cuales son de carácter socioambiental, a los que se suman 67 latentes. La conflictividad total ha bajado en relación a septiembre 2010, cuando fueron 250.
(2) Como lo tendrían los propietarios del balneario de Asia si, hipotéticamente, Perú Petro le concediera a la venezolana PDVENSA de Hugo Chávez una concesión para hacer exploraciones en sus playas.
Haykapikaman Suyasun
Programa Radial (Huanta)Entrevistado: Jorge Manco Zaconetti, especialista en hidrocarburos y energía :
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Gracias por tu comentario y
Gracias por tu comentario y el tiempo que te ha tomado, Héctor. De acuerdo con el primer y segundo puntos. Sobre el tercero me reafirmo en lo que dije: no hay que confundir el derecho que tienen todos los peruanos a ser sonsultados cuando cualquier proyecto de inversión pueda afectar intereses presentes o desarrollos futuros, con el derecho de los pueblos indígenas amaparado por el 169. Los pueblos indígenas son sólo algunos. El que todos tengamos algo de ingas o algo de mandingas no nos convierten en pueblos originarios. El núcleo de una cultura es la lengua que concentra los códigos simbólicos de un pueblo. En esto hay acuerdo entre todos los antropólogos y sociólogos de todas las tendencias. Más bien es peligroso que el criterio sólo sea el de la autodefinición, porque en ese caso yo y varias familias con intereses económicos concretos nos podríamos definir del pueblo churajón que existió en Arequipa y reclamar las tierras de Cerro Verde. Así no es. Sería abrir la Caja de Pandora. Cuidado. Ojalá pueda extenderme en un artículo, más adelante. Gracias nuevamente.
Tres comentarios al buen
Tres comentarios al buen artículo de Alfredo, con mi consideración a dicho trabajo:
1. El Viceministerio de Interculturalidad: lo que sí trascendió fueron opiniones no respaldadas, y medidas administrativas, luego por otros sectores del gobierno, y -en medio de ello- lamentables asuntos éticos -bastante publicitados más bien- que sí reconoció el ex titular -un buen hombre- y que posiblemente habrá asumido en sus consecuencias sobre la función. El nuevo equipo tiene entre manos resolver qué implica la "reglamentación". Le faltó a Alfredo precisar que siendo el Vice Ministerio de Interculturalidad el órgano técnico especializado (OTE) en materia indígena, esto no sólo implica reglamentar las consultas previas sino TODO EL CONVENIO N° 169 que, incluyendo el estratégico derecho-mecanismo de consulta previa, va más allá por lo se denomina por los derechos de los pueblos originarios y -además- con reglamentos EN LOS TRES NIVELES DE GOBIERNO y más a su interior según competa.
Es obvio que la Ley N° recién aprobada NO reglamenta TODO el Convenio sino lo referente a una buena parte del mismo: la consulta previa, pero la norma constitucional-internacional le da -o le obliga al Estado- a un mayor margen de alternativas que van desde la participación de los pueblos originarios en decidir qué hacer como desarrollo en sus territorios, hasta que el Estado compatibilice, negocie, discuta y concerte con ellos sin ir en contra de lo que proponen en el fondo, por lo cual una tarea central -por ejemplo- será completar participativa, descentralizada, consultada e intergubernamentalmente lo que está en su función: proponer y definir las Políticas Públicas para los Pueblos Andinos, Amazónicos y Afroperuano (PPPAAA). Elevar la calidad de propuesta y negociación de los pueblos originarios (Convenio N° 169) implicará que Iván Lanegra y su equipo, orienten y rijan en el Estado, por ejemplo, cómo el no consultado Plan Bicentenario: Perú al 2021 –que puede afectar directamente a dichos pueblos- sea consultado aún cuando haya pasado por el Foro del Acuerdo Nacional y el gobierno anterior le haya ungido con D.S.
La Ley de Consulta Previa, para cerrar este punto, es ya en sí misma una parcial reglamentación del Conenio N° 169.
2. En cuanto a la mención de Alfredo sobre los amigos de las empresas extractivas que habrían en el MINEM, seguramente que hay y esperemos que no sean enemigos de otros sectores productivos del país sino tendrían que ser relevados, debiera precisarse que –cuando menos- no podría señalarse como tales, aunque tampoco como enemigos de la empresa minera, a los actuales y reconocidos profesionales -también demócratas socialistas- Vice Ministros de dicha cartera.
3. Finalmente, confunde la mención que se hace en el artículo en el sentido del carácter “estricto” de la lengua para identificar quién es y quién no pueblo indígena. Esto es una unilateralidad que no expresa ni al Convenio ni a la ley aprobada recientemente. En casi todos los pueblos de la costa, en sus comunidades campesinas en particular –que no es el caso de los colonos de Tambogrande a los que hace referencia Alfredo- sólo se habla castellano: ¿eso descalificaría como cultura no originaria a los Catacaos, a los Querecotillo, etc., etc.? pero vamos más allá de un asunto vital como Nación que seguramente trascenderá la actual gestión de gobierno: ¿nos descalifica a los talareños que no somos comuneros ni zona rural sino de playa, hijos de una zona pesquera y también de industrias extractivas hidrocarburíferas, identificarnos como originarios en bas a las costumbres, etc., que compartimos y mantenemos de nuestras tradiciones compartidas con Catacaos, Querecotillo, etc.?. Pueblo originario no es, no puede ser, igual SÓLO a Comunidad Campesina en el Perú. Es obvio que en este asunto hay bastante pan que elaborar hacia adelante pero mientras tanto, valga reafirmar que el criterio de cultura implica lo que el Convenio –y la Ley recoge obviamente- establece: el criterio subjetivo de autodefinición de ser parte de una cultura, de asumir una identidad determinada. Aún con buena intención, una ligereza en este asunto puede llevar a tratar y confundir más como ocurrió dos semanas atrás en Abancay en un evento sobre el particular en el que el conferencista -bien intencionado, bien informado legalmente pero bastante aculturado- se preguntó y preguntó al público como criterio para identificar pueblos originarios “¿quiénes descienden de las antiguas culturas del Perú?”, ante lo cual creo que todos los presentes lo éramos, lo somos, en un país en el que ya no sólo quien no tiene de mandinga tiene de inga, sino que tenemos de ambos y de más culturas todavía...originarias de otros lares del mundo ahora menos ancho, globalizado, que antes.
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